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NINO ĐULA
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Nino Đula
Nino Đula
It is funny when the former prime minister plays the whistleblower: The investigation into Kovacevic is being obscured
If Milanovic had ever really been against such a system, he would have at least rocked it while he had all the leverage
Zoran Milanovic and Dragan Kovacevic
Zoran Milanovic and Dragan Kovacevic
Cropix
Posted: September 26, 2020 10:54 am
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Dragan Kovacevic , a cross-party figure, one of those omnipotent from the famous HNS quota, forced some top-ranked politicians to suddenly move from the otherwise usual zone of comfortable, passive commenting on investigations (in the style of "let the institutions do their job") real, engaged, at times even furious debates about just one more in a series of cases of alleged grand theft of public money.
Dragan Kovačević is a character from a bad system, a man whom the system caressed and he caressed him very gently, regardless of which party was in power at what time and in which he was at that moment. Kovačević is in fact a poster boy of an illegal, but always active "grand coalition", an ideal example of a politician and a state businessman for a picture of what Croatian multi-party system has been and remains most successful in. In creative solutions directing public funds beyond public interests, predominantly for the benefit of private enrichment, over the edges of eccentricity and perversion.
The Slovenian 9 address is what it should not be in a state that has and respects democratic institutions. Prime ministers, presidents, ministers, public directors should not huddle in darkened basements in front of which cell phones are left off, but should perform their responsible public affairs in the institutions in which they are employed, in the places where they are elected, in the public light and without conspiracy. .
With Kovačević's circle, it was, obviously, all different and upside down, and that is why today the nervousness of many is too great.
Befriending Kovacevic, the Kovacevic family, or rather a friendly attitude towards such a model of bargaining at the top of the state and the state economy, is something that makes many people sweat their palms these days as details come out, even transcripts of conversations from Janaf's months-long follow-up.
Therefore, some would strongly and urgently want to transfer the conversation about possible crime not even in the political but in the political sphere. An attempt is being made to obscure, to politicize the investigation of the man everyone was coming to.
But it is not, of course, a question of whether Plenković or Milanović are right , nor is it a question of who must have known what, nor what was allowed to leak to the public, nor who leaked anything to whom.
The topic is why, as soon as such an affair subsides, everyone continues to silently support the system in which "kovačevići" multiply, like an egg to an egg, with slight differences that one falls in love with furry bears, the other nails oils on canvas to the tiles. kitchen, and the third would lie between Stanko Vraz and Vatroslav Lisinski in the arcades on Mirogoj.
It is therefore not crucial who knew that Kovacevic allegedly took millions of bribes, bought hundreds and hundreds of square meters of real estate, secured a VIP tomb for himself, entertained some politicians and other people of low morals.
The other thing is crucial: who knew that everything could be done and agreed with these and such characters, that everyone would always be there for him, regardless of party colors and alleged ideological fervor. And everyone knew that.
Realistically, what Kovacevic was arrested for is just the usual, cyclical excess of a deep clientelistic state, about which Milanovic - who presents himself to us as an omniscient system - knew everything, but still did nothing.
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It’s just grotesque when a longtime prime minister tries to sound like a whistleblower. As someone who has never had the opportunity to change things, as some kind of NGO that threateningly looms over the corrupt system and seeks to change it in order to serve the public interest more.
It is bizarre when he tries to make up for the lack of honesty about personal connections with suspects by emphasizing openness about his own illegal insights into police investigations.
It is pathetic when even his former police minister has to publicly distance himself from the president’s statements by which he personally compromised him and say: No, I did not break the laws.
This fraudulent form of political activity, which is based solely on inciting inter-party and ideological intolerance, on the left-right relationship, which has meanwhile completely faded, is something that certainly does not serve to suppress but to relativize political corruption and abuse of public office and power. .
If Milanovic had ever really been strongly against such a system, he would have at least rocked it at a time when he had all the leverage in his hands to do so.
But today's president, let's be realistic, did not have the ambition to break up non-partisan and parapolitical circles and clubs in which good food was eaten and even better negotiated. On the contrary, he fit in nicely with them. For him, Slovenska 9 was not a suspicious spell in which he smelled of lawlessness; for him, and many others of all political genders, it was indeed a space of privilege and privilege.
That's the problem.
Of course, in the Milanović-Plenković theatrical clash, the audience will mostly decide on the affinities they have anyway. SDP-HDZ, left-right, hooligan-bureaucrat, government-opposition. There is nothing wrong with that.
But these feigned outbursts of disagreement and conflict always go beyond the problem and distract us from the real issue. It is not a question here of who knew about which affair at what stage, who violated the law better, who was better informed by the services or who had what priorities.
Here is just one question: why, instead of with each other, Milanović and Plenković finally do not enter, of course, a far more complex battle with this ridiculous system by which he unloads one state "excellent" every now and then in Remetinec.
We must not forget: less than two years ago in this country, the Law on the Prevention of Conflicts of Interest was written by Josipa Rimac
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