ČELNICI INSTITUCIONALNOG KRIMINALA DRŽAVE, RIBE SU KOJE OD GLAVE SMRDE !!!

THE MEANING OF THE FRONTAL ATTACK They look differently at how state institutions should operate. Who is, and in what, right In the short term. Plenković is definitely the winner. But the biggest problem of this conflict is the foreign policy dimension Writes: Marko SpoljarPosted: October 4, 2020 9:13 am Zoran Milanović and Andrej Plenković Zoran Milanović and Andrej Plenković Goran Mehkek / Cropix Facebook Twitter Messenger E-mail Janaf chief Dragan Kovacevic was arrested on suspicion of corruption on September 17th. The news of that arrest resonated like a bomb in political and media circles because it is a notorious thing that Kovacevic is a man with a thousand acquaintances and that he regularly hangs out with powerful politicians and state officials. Shortly after the arrest, hectoliters of juicy details about the detainees began to leak to the media. The juiciest were that Ivanićgrad entrepreneur Krešo Petek allegedly gave the boss Janaf a bribe of almost two million kunas and the existence of the now famous "Kovačević Club" in Slovenska 9, a hand in the heart of a rather obscure space where many members of the Croatian so-called social elite hung out. Plenković's ministers and a dozen other well-known politicians, including two heads of state - former Stjepan Mesić and current Zoran Milanović, also came to the "club" . Of all the high-profile guests of this "club", the current President of the Republic of Croatia was the first to take action to repair the reputational damage. He immediately said that he had been with Kovačević for lunch a few months ago and that he was "not a friend" with him, but that they were "good". And then he attacked the police and USKOK with all his might, saying that it was not clear to him why the director of Janaf and the entrepreneur Petek were not arrested during (allegedly) the handover of 1.96 million kuna in bribes. The end of every story "I can't understand that it wasn't interrupted at the moment when the monitoring established that someone was giving two million kunas to someone. That's the end of every story, you have a case, you have material evidence," Milanovic said. Then the President of the Republic of Croatia attacked the judges "who should live the life of a loner", told the State Attorney's Office that he thought they were the source of data leaks from the investigation, and then told Prime Minister Andrej Plenković not to pretend that he had no idea that he must have known about the investigation into the Janaf affair, just as Interior Minister Davor Bozinovic must have known . "The SOA did not know about the investigation. This is the work done by the State Attorney's Office, ie USKOK and the criminal police. The Minister of the Interior and the Prime Minister know all this. . November 2019 (the day when the bribe was allegedly handed over, e.g. a.) is wrong for me ... Prime Minister Andrej Plenković must have known about the investigation that was conducted against the suspected boss Janaf Dragan Kovačević because he is a "guardian of state secrets", let him not pretend to be naive not to know those things ... Who decides whether to arrest someone who carries two million kuna in a bag or not? Well, it is not decided by a police officer, it is decided by the state attorney, and the prime minister must know that, "Milanovic said, among other things. Plenković returned it, claiming that he knew nothing about the investigation: authorities, compliance or non-compliance with the law. The state is governed by the Government. Those bodies that we have set up to deal with these topics, they are doing their job. This is not done by the Prime Minister, much less by the President of the State. Whether he had other patterns of behavior in his practice, when he was in the position I hold now, these are questions that open up new dimensions of work methodology. It is not the job of the executive and politics. We have long since left the times when politics gave orders, that is not the case in democracies. " Milanović's confrontation with the judges, the State Attorney's Office, the Government, the Prime Minister ... is accompanied by a very colorful vocabulary that includes kings and congos, fish and donkeys, lions and skinned chickens. But when we let go of all that smokescreen, when we concentrate only on the merits of Milanovic's criticisms, remarks and claims about the investigation itself and who and when in the state leadership should or should have known that the head of a profitable state company is the subject of a criminal investigation - what can see? Is and to what extent is the President of the Republic of Croatia right in some of his numerous appearances in the last two weeks? Milanović, among other things, believes that the police should have raided "Kovačević's club" in November 2019 and caught the alleged bribe-giver at the time of the handover of almost two million kunas, because in such a situation "there is nothing to wait for". USKOK, on ​​the other hand, defends itself through unofficial channels that these are - in essence - flat-rate assessments because they did not know at the time that it was certainly a bribe, nor to whom exactly and for what job the money should be given. . Branko Šerić , a longtime judge, and later a lawyer with vast experience in cases that caused a lot of media and political attention, ie in cases comparable to the currently largest in Croatia - the Janaf affair - we asked if the President of the Republic of Croatia is right in something and not Government, prime minister and investigative bodies. RELATED NEWS Natasa Novakovic NATAŠA NOVAKOVIĆ The Commission for Deciding on Conflict of Interest opened a case against Tomislav Ćorić and others FIRST HAND Confession of a waiter from the Club in Slovenska 9: 'White was playing cards until the morning, Mesić was telling jokes' - In my experience, President Zoran Milanovic is right when he talks about the right moment for any service to react - regardless of whether it is SOA, police or PNUSKOK - and whether they should have reacted at a time when they are suspicious by monitoring persons could reasonably assume that the handover of money would then occur. Namely, giving and receiving bribes is one of the most difficult crimes to prove. As a rule, receiving and giving bribes takes place in private, without witnesses. If you fail to establish this immediately, you often have no witnesses or material evidence afterwards. Therefore, there is nothing to wait for. The moment there is a reasonable suspicion that someone, after raising a large sum of money in a bank, plans to hand over that money to someone as a bribe, that moment of handover is the right moment to react. There is no dilemma here. Because later, as the people say, the wolf ate the donkey. Afterwards prosecutors must not know what not to invent and perform to prove a bribe. Some indications, indirectly, and that is very difficult - says Šerić. And should the investigators and the police take the risk and break into "Kovacevic's club" even if it is true that at that time USKOK and the police did not know whether the club would hand over the money, whether it was a bribe at all and who would take the money in the end should receive? High-profit investigation - And that all this is true, I remain of the same opinion. They are already following this man, they know that he raised a lot of money, they are following him to the club ... What is there to wait for? In my opinion, they had to come to the club - believes Šerić. We also asked the experienced lawyer whether it was more reasonable to trust President Milanovic or Prime Minister Plenković: the former claims that Plenković had to be informed about such a high-profile investigation, and the Prime Minister claims that he and his ministers respect the three divisions of power. which we have set up to deal with these topics, they are doing their job "and that" it is not the Prime Minister who is doing it, much less the President of the State ". - If I claim that the Minister of the Interior, by the nature of his work, must know about such a thing, it means that then at least the narrow cabinet of the Government has information about that, and that, in turn, means that the Prime Minister should know about everything. Because if the interior minister doesn’t control things, then that job doesn’t even need to be done. We know how all this (when it comes to such high-profile investigations, e.g. a.) Works in practice, and it is reasonable to assume that the Minister of the Interior has the knowledge, and then I guess the Prime Minister must have it too. That is an absolutely reasonable assumption - says lawyer Šerić. Compromise and attack Professor at the Faculty of Political Sciences Višeslav Raos says at the beginning of the interview for Magazin that a certain parallel can be drawn between former Croatian President Kolinda Grabar-Kitarović and the Mamić case and Zoran Milanović and the "Kovačević Club" case. - Both of them felt compromised in the mentioned cases and started attacking various institutions that, as it were, should have warned them, protected them or whatever. Secondly, it is now obvious that Milanović and Prime Minister Plenković have completely opposite opinions on how state institutions should act. Now everyone is pretending to be very smart, but we don’t really have a definitive answer as to at what point who and whom exactly needs to be informed about an investigation and to what extent. So we have seen lawyers say one thing, former USKOK officials another, and the interior minister a third. It is clear, therefore, that we still do not have a clear answer to that question - Raos points out. He believes that Prime Minister Plenković is behaving cunningly in this case when he claims that he is not involved in investigations. - Milanovic is nervous. We know that his consulting business was not very successful and although he claims all the time that he explained everything transparently, this is not the case. There are indications that part of Milanovic's consulting services are related to the oil business. If this is true and if he was hanging out with people associated with Janaf, then GONG opened up the issue of a possible conflict of interest very well. That could explain that nervousness the president has been showing lately. So, in the short term, Plenković is definitely the winner of the duel. But, in my opinion, the biggest problem of this conflict is the foreign policy dimension where there is no coordination. Maybe some of the things Milanovic said are not necessarily incorrect, but they are not exactly diplomatic. First of all, I mean issues related to BiH and his statements about the Trump administration on the eve of Pompeo's arrival in Croatia - says Raos.