TRI VELIKE BJELORUSKINJE

news sport j2 money culture scene video subscription STRIKE ON LUKASHENKO Three women overthrow the dictator: How 26 years of humiliating females took his head Women are, Lukashenko often said, 'naturally kind, weak and in need of protection' By: Iva BadanjakPublished: August 23, 2020 10:42 8544601 Profimedia, AFP Facebook Twitter Messenger E-mail RELATED NEWS Andrej Plenković SANCTIONS FOLLOW EU does not recognize Lukashenko's victory, Plenković: 'It is up to the citizens to determine their own future' NO UNDERSTANDING Lukashenko 'solves' problem of protesters from Belarusian factories: 'Lock on lock from Monday' Belarus is at a crossroads. Not only political, but also social. In a country that is deeply patriarchal and whose president considers women fragile beings, housewives addicted to men, the three women have set aside differences and formed an opposition that Belarus has not seen since the 1990s. Svetlana Tihanovska, Marija Kolesnikova and Veronika Cepkalo come from different worlds and their opinions sometimes differ, but all three want the same thing - fair and free elections as befits a democratic state. And they are not the only ones. Hundreds of thousands of Belarusians are relentlessly protesting against the rigged presidential election that gave birth to Alexander Lukashenko as the winner . The autocrat, dubbed the "last European dictator" by the media, has ruled Belarus for the past 26 years. He has since resorted to all the dirty tricks that exist to prevent the formation of opposition in the country. From mandate to mandate, and this is his sixth, he falsifies the election results, prepares critics behind bars and holds power with a firm hand without providing space for the creation of the opposition. It is difficult to say exactly when Belarus woke up with a desire for change. It tasted the first drop of democracy in 1990, when 37 of the 345 elected MPs formed the first opposition and led to short-term democratization and independence of the country. Maybe it happened when Lukashenko "allowed" the opposition to enter parliament in 2016, and for the first time since 2004, two women entered it. One was an entrepreneur and a lawyer, and the other a cultural activist. Selecting women to enter parliament was a strategic move. Namely, Lukashenko's electorate has long been women. In the 2015 elections, he won, according to the Independent Institute for Socio-Economic and Political Studies, 41 percent of the votes of women, mostly those over 40. Only 28.9 percent of the support came from men. By the way, in Belarus women represent more than half (55 percent) of voters. Lukashenko's allies For years, it has been rumored that women from mostly rural areas have helped Lukashenko falsify election results. And on the latter, some of them probably stood by him. Let’s just recall a viral video posted on social media showing a grandmother, who was a member of the election commission, descending a ladder from the second floor of a building holding a bag full of something resembling ballots. It is Lukashenko’s electoral base, but the two women who entered parliament in 2016 did not belong to that demographic and socioeconomic group. Another and much more important time when Lukashenko underestimated women was when he allowed Svetlana Tihanovska to enter the race for president. Tikhanovska is an unexpected hero of this election. She entered the race when her husband, YouTube blogger Sergei Tihanovsky , was barred from running. In the last few years, Tikhanovsky has gained the sympathy of Belarus by investigating bribery and corruption scandals. His channel "Land for Life" has more than 200 thousand followers. He entered the race at the urging of Nikolai Statkevich , one of Lukashenko's loudest critics. Statkevich explained to him that the opposition is preparing to register a large number of candidates in the elections in order to get space for expressing their views and the possibility of gathering like-minded people in public places. But for Lukashenko, the idea was too risky, so he decided to ban Tikhanovsky's candidacy. Of the record 55 registered candidates, only 15 were allowed to run for president. Tihanovski then decided to mobilize his followers and launched the so-called slipper revolution. He called on Belarusians to take off their slippers and step on the cockroach - Lukashenko. Tihanovska, a former teacher and translator and mother of two minor children, then took over the position of presidential candidate. She posed no threat to Lukashenko. Because for a man who thinks that women are "naturally kind, weak and need protection", a housewife is not a candidate to be overly afraid of. He may have even thought that by allowing her to run, he would show how “open” he is to the idea of ​​women entering politics. But that facade did not last long. Just a few weeks into the campaign, the misogynist squatting in it had to come out. "I respect women, but our society is not mature enough to vote for a woman. "Under the burden of the presidency, it would collapse, poor thing," Lukashenko said. But Tihanovska did not collapse. Instead, she decided to fight back. When Lukashenko arrested her husband, along with two other strong opponents - former Belgazprombank director Viktor Babarik and former Belarusian ambassador to the United States Valery Cepkal , Tikhanovska began working with Maria Kolesnikova and Veronica Cepkal . Kolesnikova is a professional flutist and Babarik's campaign manager, and Cepkala is a business development manager at Microsoft, which has a branch in Minsk, and Valerij's wife. Both are part of the establishment, unlike Tihanovska. They accepted the cooperation because they share a common goal - they want Lukashenko to release his opponents from prison. The campaign was expressly organized and divided by the forces. Babarik's team organized the candidate's speeches, Cepkalin focused on the promotion, and Tihanovska's volunteers adapted the campaign for her audience. Charlie's angels And while the women’s triumvirate quickly agreed on the campaign, uniting their constituents was a little harder. But when Tihanovska came out with a statement that she intends to call new free and fair elections if they elect her, voters decided to give her their confidence. Soon their gatherings were attended by tens of thousands of people. More than 60,000 people gathered at one gathering. That’s the largest number of people at a single candidate’s political rally in the last decade. Along with Tihanovska, Kolesnikova and Cepkala always stood on the stage, and the media began to call them "Charlie's angels" for miles because of the symbols they accepted as a trademark - two fingers raised in victory, clenched fist and heart. The trio attracted people wherever they went. Everyone wanted to take a photo with Tihanovsky, they would encourage her to take the stage, calling her from miles away “Holy, Holy!”, Eager to be part of an almost tangible revolution. Although everyone knew that Lukashenko had falsified probably all the election results since 1994, this was the first time that people really cared. They no longer wanted to silently watch from the sidelines and accept that they were being lied to in the face. Joining forces, in addition to marking the growing role of women in Belarusian politics, has given voters the necessary hope. "It is a very important, symbolic step, because it gives the supporters of these candidates and, in principle, the protesting electorate a kind of positive signal after the wave of repression that disappointed many. Now enthusiasm, positivity and a constructive agenda have returned to the people, "Belarusian commentator and journalist Artyom Shraibman told Current Time . A new generation has thus emerged in the public eye, one that has grown up on the internet and has access to information not directed by the government. She has no intention of helping Lukashenko rig the election as women from rural areas have reportedly helped him all these years. This generation was organized; have created several online platforms "Voice" for independent counting of votes and registration of election irregularities, and through social networks share the locations of police vans, names and photos of police officers using force at protests and information on what to do if the spouse does not return home after the demonstration. Civil society has become ripe for change. And when the first preliminary results came, they started celebrating at Tihanovska's headquarters. Unofficial results from dozens of polling stations across Minsk showed that Tihanovska received in some cases five times more votes than Lukashenko. image Sergei Gapon / AFP Euphoria and shock The short-lived euphoria was replaced by a shock when state media results showed that Lukashenko received about 80 percent and Tikhanovska about 10 percent of the vote. It was clear to everyone that the autocrat had falsified the results, but this time the situation did not play out the same as all these years. Citizens took to the streets demanding a recount. Lukashenko responded with violence. Police in riot gear stormed a rally on Friday, removing hundreds of protesters by truck, water cannons, rubber bullets, tear gas and shock bombs. More than 6,000 protesters were massacred and tortured, and at least two were killed. Then women took to the streets first. Thousands of women dressed in white, modeled on the Cuban group Damas de Blanco seeking the release of imprisoned dissidents, spilled the streets of Minsk. Spontaneous protests by "Women in White" encouraged others to join. Doctors took to the streets, former members of the special forces threw their old uniforms in garbage cans, ashamed of their colleagues' actions, musicians from the Minsk State Philharmonic would leave the building at 2 pm every day and play protest songs, and joined the strike. and state media journalists. The biggest surprise for Lukashenko was when the workers left him. He was confident that he would be supported by his loyal voter base from the MKTZ truck factory. With a smile and a polished mustache, he stepped onto the small stage and began to talk. Workers started whistling and shouting "Ukhodi!" (Go away!), Not letting him speak. Shocked, Lukashenko had to leave the stage, wondering what had just happened. Among other things, a crown happened to him. Namely, Lukashenko responded so badly to the crisis around Covid-19 that he drew the wrath of otherwise indifferent voters. He first mocked the victims, dismissing the pandemic as a "psychosis" that could be treated with brandy, a tractor and going to saunas. "No one in our country will die of coronavirus," he promised. Officially, Belarus now has more than 620 victims and about 70,000 cases of the infection, although critics say the actual numbers are much higher. He then admitted that he had contracted the coronavirus himself. Without any guidance, the citizens organized themselves. Through crowdfunding campaigns, they raised funds to purchase protective equipment for medical workers, isolated themselves and wore masks, searched the internet to learn as much as possible about the virus, and spread information about the number of cases. Due to the pandemic, many workers had to return to Belarus, leaving them without a job and no income. Distrust and anger towards Lukashenko grew. He did not notice that he was losing support because he forbade independent public opinion polls which, if requested, could show him how deep he had slipped. He underestimated his opponent, failed to mobilize new, younger voters, and disappointed older ones with lies about the crown. Because of all this, Belarusians are taking to the streets of Minsk and at least 30 other cities for the 11th day in a row. "Even if there is no change, we have changed. This is unbelievable, ”said one protester with visible excitement in her voice. Disoriented and decimated, Lukashenko reluctantly turns to Putin . Belarus has been in the Alliance of Russia and Belarus since 1996, and although Lukashenko supports the Kremlin in principle, it does not have the best relations with the Russian president. They disagree over Russia's plan to further integrate the two countries' economies. Putin wants more connections, and Lukashenko accuses him of putting economic pressure on him. He also did not help himself by imprisoning 33 Russian mercenaries he accused of plotting a terrorist attack to destabilize the country ahead of the election. But after the election, Lukashenko turned the tables and said he had asked Putin for help and received confirmation that Moscow would stand by him "if necessary." Military aid has not arrived so far. Putin's role It is unlikely that Putin will send an army to the protesters. He would thus lose the support he has among Belarusians, who mostly see him as one of the most important partners. Even if he does that and quells the insurgency, his partner remains a weakened Lukashenko who is losing the trust of the citizens. But far from Putin leaving Belarus to solve problems on its own. Aside from being his buffer zone to Western Europe, it is unlikely he will let it become democratic so easily. But Belarus is not Ukraine. Unlike Ukrainians, most Belarusians do not want the European Union, do not wave EU flags at protests, and do not have a candidate to advocate such ideas. Probably the best option at the moment is to be a mediator during the transition of power. The European Union also hopes for this role, declaring Lukashenko an illegitimate leader and announcing sanctions for perpetrators of violence. But the question is whether he will be able to implement those sanctions at all, because analysts believe that Lukashenko's days are numbered. "Lukashenko is afraid. He is trying to stop the protests and show that he is in control, but he is not, "former Deputy Foreign Minister Andrej Sanikov told CNN , adding:" I don't think the protests will be quelled so quickly. I believe these are the last days of the Lukashenko regime, but much now depends on how other countries react. We should not intervene in the inner state of things, but save human lives. ” Grasping for the last straw, Lukashenko said he was ready to hold new elections and hand over power after the constitutional referendum. During that time, of the three women who became the face of the revolution, two fled Belarus for fear of the regime, leaving only Kolesnikova in the country. Tikhanovskaya states that she is ready to be the national leader of Belarus, and Kolesnikova emphasizes that Russia was and remains their important partner. The message of the people addressed to the authorities, which can be read from all this, is more than clear: “We have given you power. We can take it away from you. "