utorak, 1. rujna 2020.

SOME OTHER RULES

Morning paper SOME OTHER RULES Too big Montenegro or too small Serbia? In the story of the election, many forget two important things Most Montenegrins do not want to consider their nation as their only universe Writes: Jutarnji.hrPosted: September 1, 2020 6:13 pm Milo Đukanović, a scene from Montenegro and Amfilohije Radović Milo Đukanović, a scene from Montenegro and Amfilohije Radović A country between East and West? A loyal ally of the EU and NATO? The playground of an autocrat and his family? Many exact things can be said about Montenegro. Usually, two things are overlooked - the size of the country and its attitude towards Serbia and Serbs. And that is the real relationship, not the one from political claims, writes Deutsche Welle . With a population of 620,000, Montenegro is the size of Luxembourg or Düsseldorf. Everyone knows everyone. When this is passed on to a minority of people participating in public life, then it can be taken literally. But, unlike Luxembourg or Düsseldorf, no one immigrates to Montenegro. At the only university in the country, people sat in the same lectures, most often going to the same gymnasiums, often even in the same kindergarten. A corrupt system of clientelism Abstract rules and neutral institutions have a naturally difficult position in such small communities. Personal connections are always more important. This is not only true for the Balkans, although societies with close family ties, as is the case in the region, take on an additional, special note. In order to understand large countries, it is enough to understand the rules that govern them. Small countries are endless - this is the legitimacy that the European Commission regularly fails in Montenegro. The corrupt, clientelistic system that has been sovereignly conducted for decades by Milo Djukanovic - president, father of the state, powerful party leader, longtime prime minister - is older than him and will certainly outlive him. Of the three loose alliances of parties that now intend to inherit Djukanovic's system, only the smallest has any idea what it means to organize society according to neutral and universally applicable rules. Survival of the system without Djukanovic is more likely than a social upheaval, and even more probable is the inclusion of a shaky president in a new, larger and more open system that will not be less corrupt, writes Deutsche Welle . Ambivalent attitude towards Serbia Another misunderstanding concerns relations with Serbia. Djukanovic led the country to independence in 2006 with considerable resistance. Most Montenegrins who have been against independence have since defined themselves as Serbs. According to the usual criteria, they are not an ethnic but a political minority. RELATED NEWS TENSION IN MONTENEGRO The pro-Serbian coalition announced the priorities of the new government, and a significant message arrived from Moscow DRITAN ABAZOVIĆ The man who decides on the winners of the elections in Montenegro called and said whose side he would take! This opposition, which has not been overcome to date, obscures the fact that the whole of Montenegro, the majority and the minority, cultivates an ambivalent attitude towards its ten times larger neighbor. Serbia is not a real foreign country, whoever moves to Belgrade there is really not a foreigner. And for people with Montenegrin consciousness, Serbia is important, at least as a tree that is being scratched or as an alter ego, and secretly as a criterion, role model or backup solution, if its own leadership becomes too self-conscious. Whoever drops out of Djukanovic's system goes to Serbia first. Djukanovic ignored the nation Most Montenegrins do not want to consider their nation as their only universe. This knowledge was ignored by the skilled politician Djukanovic when he went against the Serbian Orthodox Church in his country and supported the Montenegrin Orthodox Church, which is considered an independent Montenegrin church. The planned confiscation of church property for many voters was a sign that the president was striving for absolute power. But they did not want to entrust it to him. The European Union should build its relationship with Montenegro in a relaxed manner and recognize that smaller countries have different rules than neighboring countries, which are three to ten times larger. This does not mean that Europe should turn a blind eye when the authorities beat up critics or imprison journalists. Unlike Serbia, the European Commission will not be able to demand a judicial system in Montenegro in which such things will no longer happen. It is better to send the Minister of Foreign Affairs to some powerful member of the European Union who will have a clear message: It cannot be so! Relations in Montenegro may not be sufficiently clear. But the language of power is well understood by all

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