ponedjeljak, 4. svibnja 2020.

ROBERT FRANK










CHIEF EDITOR ANALYSIS

Tito was a hypocrite like Marx because he did not tolerate capitalism but enjoyed its benefits. He was brave in front of the Nazi tanks, but weak and small in front of people like the Gotovac government, who were thinking with their heads

 Author: Robert FRANK


States that imprison poets and opposition politicians are not democratic, and according to this it can be quite rightly concluded that for all 35 years of power of Marshal Joseph Broz Tito, his control arm was sharp as a saber, silently, swiftly and deadly penetrating the human body. Tito's power was ruthless and unscrupulous, and he was unusual, to some (semi) charming, but certainly (semi) dictator. Marshall, on the other hand, was a socially intelligent person with pronounced mass manipulation skills enthralled by a system of values ​​derived from the ideological platform of communism and equality. Of course, communism and equality in practice have nothing to do with each other, because communist powerful separates themselves from ordinary communists by numerous life privileges.

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Tito testified to this by his example. Although he was a Comintern student who was simply not tolerated by Western capitalism, he quickly embraced all the benefits of the Western and capitalist lifestyle, above all the complete luxury that surrounded him so that nothing was inaccessible to him. Tito was hypocritical in the same way as Karl Marx. This author of the famous Communist Manifesto, aimed at the proletarian revolution and overthrowing capitalism, survived using the money of a class enemy - the father of his associate Friedrich Engels, who was a textile industrialist and represented everything he (Marx) fought for. Marx was simultaneously writing texts against textile manufacturers whose money he used privately! By the same matrix, so did Tito despise the West, and he enjoyed it!  
This Zagorac of cheerful spirit and cheerful nature introduced a specific model of social and political governance for totalitarian regimes by eliminating all resistance to Yugoslavia, Titoism and the monolith of the only party, the almighty and ubiquitous Party, by a short procedure, precise and pre-set judicial processes. Every questioning about multilateralism or greater human rights was judged morally and politically unacceptable, for unsuspecting jokes, and for critical thinking solicited in rotting and chilling cells in Lepoglava prison or beaten and meaningless from "point a" to exhaustion and complete loss of reason. "points b" conveyed a stone in the golotok archipelago.
It was a one-way-to-go place, where humanity and personal integrity were killed in bestial terms by prisoners forced into physical combat, life in the most destructive forms and galvanizing. At this point, Tito's government was trying to reshape their wits and instill a new ideological matrix.
At one stage of their lives, the fortunes of Josip Broz Tito and almost 40 years younger poet, essayist, novelist, critic, editor, and many years later, in free Croatia, the opposition politician of the Government of Gotovac, intertwined. The life story of this Imohtanin, the editor-in-chief of the Croatian weekly within the Matica Hrvatska, is a striking example of the brutality of the communist regime led by Grand Marshal. While Tito was thinking in the early 70's how, together, at least forcibly, to keep the Serbian and Croatian horns in the sack and maintain the semblance of love, harmony and unity, two brotherly Slavs, but at times galaxies distant to peoples of galaxies, philosophy and poetry he dreamed of a better and different future from Tito's imposed present and a frame of life that narrowed personal freedom, prevented political diversity and abolished critical questioning. Emerging from ideologically and intellectually opposed positions, they are two antipodes of a time in which thinking people like Gotovac ended up worse off than those who carried the river bed to its steady stream. It could even be said that opportunists enjoyed life in Yugoslavia with all its advantages, such as a solid standard and resolved housing, health and education issues. It is truly true that an individual in this system could survive without difficulty. Of course, only if he didn't ask the wrong questions. Apolitical, as well as reconciled with the reality of which there were most, and especially the most righteous to whom the Party was both father and mother, they lived quite comfortably and quite stable. If we were to analyze the quality of life in those times, the real question would be this: could spiritual and political unrest be compensated for with the material benefits and a safe life? Realistically, restrictions existed as soon as they diverted from a strictly drawn line of course in which good is what the government and the party say is good and bad what the government and the party say is bad. So this goddamn freedom remains, what happened to her? With people like Gotovac? Did he really deserve six years in prison for "abusing the freedom of the press and public appearance in order to violently overthrow the constitutionally founded self-governing, socialist and democratic system of FR Croatia and overthrow legally elected bodies and authorities of the working people, provoke distrust, discord and hatred among the peoples of the SFRY and leads to the violent and unconstitutional separation of Croatia from the SFRY. " Could spiritual and political unrest be compensated for with the material benefits and a safe life? Realistically, restrictions existed as soon as they diverted from a strictly drawn line of course in which good is what the government and the party say is good and bad what the government and the party say is bad. So this goddamn freedom remains, what happened to her? With people like Gotovac? Did he really deserve six years in prison for "abusing the freedom of the press and public appearance in order to violently overthrow the constitutionally founded self-governing, socialist and democratic system of FR Croatia and overthrow legally elected bodies and authorities of the working people, provoke distrust, discord and hatred among the peoples of the SFRY and leads to the violent and unconstitutional separation of Croatia from the SFRY. " Could spiritual and political unrest be compensated for with the material benefits and a safe life? Realistically, restrictions existed as soon as they diverted from a strictly drawn line of course in which good is what the government and the party say is good and bad what the government and the party say is bad. So this goddamn freedom remains, what happened to her? With people like Gotovac? Did he really deserve six years in prison for "abusing the freedom of the press and public appearance in order to violently overthrow the constitutionally founded self-governing, socialist and democratic system of FR Croatia and overthrow legally elected bodies and authorities of the working people, provoke distrust, discord and hatred among the peoples of the SFRY and leads to the violent and unconstitutional separation of Croatia from the SFRY. "
For Tito, he was guilty. Immediately, in advance. There was no defense that could defend him, although Gotovac fought for his views with texts, not terrorism, the same as with words, not with bombs and assassinations. Gotovac was, in reality, judged to be an ardent and eminent supporter of maspoque, not because of his conspiratorial activity. It was tried in 1971 in Croatia. And that was Tito's greatest sin - he destroyed the progressive Croatian forces and cut to the very root the possibility of democratization of society.
While Vlado Gotovac, as editor of the Croatian Weekly, was working because he passionately wrote his articles not so much against Yugoslavia or God forbid Tito as he did for the Croatian cause, but again not to aggressively demolish the first, but to gradually build secondly, why he ended up in old, Austro-Hungarian prisons on two occasions with a total of six years in prison, Comrade Tito relished his favorite dishes at Bonvivans, stayed at state winter resorts and summer residences, enjoyed luxurious residences carefully, until the last hour of his life, in his image, kitschy and fragrant, as if ready for new love conquests even in the most recent years of life. His modus vivendi was perfect: the order of domestic politics in which everything turns out as he imagined, and the order of travel all over the globe, where, to be true, was a welcome guest, though one of a series of rulers with a democratic deficit. Nevertheless, because of the bloc's division of the world and its role with non-aligned people, it was peering through his fingers for atrocities against critics and non-thinkers within the framework of a state he ruled seemingly polite and relaxed, and essentially utterly authoritarian. He controlled the terror, relying on a repressive apparatus and numerous burglars who would violently break into the apartments of maspokovs and spring men on an extreme night, taking them to the unknown, where they were mistreated, tortured, destroyed and the last atom of dignity, packed fabricated crimes, condemned them. and then socially portrayed as traitors. People's lives were destroyed in the shortest possible time simply because they suspected whether Tito and the Party were doing everything right or possibly wrong. All that path of co-existence and coexistence with Tito and the Party, intellectual Vlado Gotovac went barefoot, wounding himself to the point that his life was simply extinguished a few decades later as a result of the brutal prison treatment. A great speaker, orator par excellence, in communism scribbled, imprisoned and tortured, Vlado Gotovac gave an anti-war, peacemaking speech that iced blood in his veins in the early 1990s because of their ultimate siding with Slobodan Milosevic's Greater Serbian policy. So he corrected another Tito's injustice and error. Milosevic and the pro-Serb JNA are a big mistake for Broz simply because Marshall failed to curb Serbian nationalism in time. A bloodthirsty beast was created in his yard and before his eyes.
Instead of Milosevic's predecessors and patrons long ago ending up in theaters and literally chained to avoid his hierarchical rise, Tito's regime politically shut down those progressive. The bullies rolled and the progressives eliminated. And that's why Tito's Yugoslavia fell apart in blood. The illusions of the existence of a multinational state with fraternal peoples, but also of imposed unity, disappeared at the moment of freeing the accumulated Serbian anger and the abnormal need for one nation, through its representatives, to dominate the territory of the former Yugoslavia politically and militarily, a state entity with a strong and extremely positive foothold the victorious side of World War II, but also on the wobbly Tito's one-sided communism. It's not been ten years since his death,
It was not only Tito's problem that was done in Yugoslavia through imprisonment for verbal tort, but also what he failed to do. He viewed in the short-term, artificially and violently maintaining a semblance of syllable among historically conflicted Croats and Serbs. He pulled the moves that may have been key to the future by mistake. He eliminated the progressives Savka Dabcevic Kucar and Mika Tripal on the one hand, and Latinka Petrovic and Marko Nikezic on the other. He did not allow such extremely normal Croats and Serbs who wanted both Croatia and Serbia to liberalize and modernize, open up to new knowledge and democratize, take control of the situation and play the game by the rules. He panicked for them because they offered what he was essentially afraid of as a dictator - freedom of public expression, criticism and questioning, different thinking and reform. Brave in front of Nazi tanks, planes and enemy divisions, he was weak and small in front of poets and politicians thinking with his head.
History has shown that emperors, kings, and various rulers, even if they knew how to win military and political battles, always lost battles when they attacked artists and writers. No way has yet been found to defeat good verse, novel or philosophical text through political and punitive measures. The great patron and mighty emperor Augustus drove Ovid to the far reaches of the Black Sea, to this day it is not known why, but it is known that there was no rest on the poet "Metamorphosis" and his work, but on Augustus' biography. Long ago, all the poets of that great age who underwent the vain emperor were forgotten, and for those times in literature there survived just those who did not write him empty vanities like Virgil, Horace, and Ovid. It is amazing how many power-makers who repeatedly overlook these lost battles with disobedient writers and philosophers seem to be told by countless examples from Socrates, Dante, Drzic, Galileo, Spinozza, Dostoevsky, Kundera and Solzhenitsyn. The arrests, condemnations, expulsions and murders of writers and artists, philosophers and critics of the authorities for their ideas always and in some way turn against those who arrest, condemn, expel or order the murders. And that's why, for Tito - thumbs down. expel or order killings. And that's why, for Tito - thumbs down. expel or order killings. And that's why, for Tito - thumbs down.

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